A LEAGUE 

TO  PREVENT  WAR 


With  a Review  of  the  Fight  Against 
the  Formation  of  the  United  States 


Address  by  the 

/ 


HON.  W.  G.  McADOO 


at  the, 


METHODIST  CENTENARY 
CELEBRATION 

COLUMBUS,  OHIO,  JULY  4,  1919 


Published  by 

League  to  Enforce  Peace 
KO  West  42d  Street 
New  York 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


https://archive.org/details/leaguetopreventwOOmcad 


A LEAGUE  TO  PREVENT  WAR 


By  th‘ 


HON.  W.  G.  McADOO 


The  Christian  Church  represents  the  greatest  spiritual  and 
moral  force  in  the  world,  and  there  never  was  a time  when 
those  forces  were  so  imperatively  needed  as  now.  Co- 
operation between  all  denominations  of  the  Christian  Church  is 
essential  for  the  world’s  salvation.  It  will  require  the  mobilized 
effort  of  the  Church  militant  to  secure  the  fruits  of  the  great 
victory  for  liberty,  democracy  and  w'orld  peace  which  has  been 
won  through  the  blood  and  valor  of  America’s  sons  and  the 
blood  and  valor  of  the  sons  of  our  Allies  who  fought  with  us  in 
the  titanic  struggle  just  ended. 

The  Methodist  Church  has  always  been  a militant  influence 
for  good.  It  has  stood  unswervingly  for  humanity,  for  progress, 
and  for  world  peace.  Although  war  is  abhorrent  to  every  Chris- 
tian instinct  and  principle,  the  Church  has  stood  for  war  only 
when  it  was  convinced  that  the  Christian  objective — world  peace 
— could  be  obtained  by  no  other  means. 

We  are  now  facing  the  most  critical  situation  in  which  the 
world  has  ever  found  itself,  the  disposition  of  our  victory.  Shall 
we  so  dispose  of  it  that  human  slaughter  through  war  must  still 
be  the  arbiter  of  the  destiny  of  nations,  or  shall  we  so  dispose  of 
it  that  the  glorious  goal  for  which  humanity  has  striven  through 
thousands  of  years  of  unspeakable  misery,  torture  and  sacrifice 
shall  now  be  realized — viz : The  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes by  judicial  processes  and  the  establishment  of  world  peace 
through  the  cooperative  effort  of  the  great  nations  of  the  earth? 

Organize  Our  Victory! 

A League  of  Nations  to  prevent  war  would  consolidate  and 
organize  our  victory  and  make  practically  certain  the  peace  of  the 


world  in  the  future.  A blessing  so  colossal  seems  unattainable, 
and  yet  it  is  within  our  grasp  if  we  have  the  vision,  the  courage 
and  the  determination  to  take  it.  Here  is  where  the  Church 
faces  its  noblest  opportunity,  and  its  greatest  responsibility. 

^^"e  must  not  permit  any  man  or  set  of  men  to  destroy  the 
League  of  Nations.  We  must  not  permit  any  man  or  set  of  men 
to  emasculate  it.  We  must  not  permit  any  man  or  set  of  men 
to  put  the  peace  of  the  world  again  in  peril.  The  issue  is  so 
momentous  that  the  very  future  of  civilization  is  at  stake  and 
humanity  from  every  stricken  quarter  of  the  suf¥ering  world 
cries  out  in  agony  to  Christianity  to  save  it.  We  are  face  to  face 
with  prodigious  events  when  blind  men  must  not  be  permitted 
to  lead.  It  is  a tragic  fact  in  history  that  every  great  step  in 
human  progress  has  been  Avon  against  the  resistance  of  blind, 
fatuous  and  uncomprehending  men  Avhose  adA’ice  and  leadership, 
if  followed,  Avould  haA^e  kept  us  in  the  dark  ages. 

We  are  celebrating  to-day  the  143rd  anniA'ersafy  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  The  American  Colonies  planted  the  seed 
of  freedom  and  equality  in  the  soil  of  the  Western  Hemisphere 
and  then  began  that  irrepressible  struggle  betAveen  democracy 
and  autocracy  Avhich  culminated  in  democracy’s  triumph  on 
the  battlefields  of  France  in  November,  1918.  The  signing  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  Avith  Germany,  coming  so  near  the  day  Ave 
celebrate,  giA'es  it  added  significance  and  joyousness.  Little  did 
the  men  of  1776  realize  that  they  had  launched  a Avar  against 
autocracy  Avhich  would  require  142  years  of  struggle  to  Avin,  and 
yet  they  did  haA'e  the  Ausion  to  see  that  the  salvation  of  humanity 
depended  upon  freedom  and  equality  of  the  individual,  self- 
gOA'ernment  through  democratic  institutions  and  denial  of  the 
divine  right  of  kings.  As  the  thirteen  feeble  American  Colonies 
took  the  step  in  1776  Avhich  secured  their  liberty  and  indepen- 
dence after  six  years  of  desperate  Avar  and  subsequently  con- 
solidated their  A'ictory  through  a Federal  Union  which  brought 
into  existence  the  greatest  Republic  of  all  time,  so  noAV  that 
Republic,  by  combining  its  strength  Avith  the  great  democracies 
of  Europe,  has  destroyed  the  greatest  autocratic  governments 
on  earth  and  has  given  to  the  people  of  Europe  the  opportunity 
of  e.stablishing  self-government  b}^  so  organizing  their  A'ictory 
that  the  peace  of  the  Avorld  may  be  secured.  It  rests  Avith  us  and 


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with  them  to  say  whether  this  is  a victory  of  peace  or  a victory 
of  war. 


Opposition  to  the  Constitution 

It  is  illuminating  to  recall  at’this  time  the  events  that  led  up  to 
the  formulation  and  adoption  of  our  own  Federal  Constitution 
and  to  outline  the  character  of  the  fight  which  was  made  against 
the  organization  of  this  great  Republic,  because  they  present, 
in  many  respects,  a striking  parallel  to  the  character  of  fight 
which  is  now  being  made  against  the  ratification  of  the  League 
of  Nations. 

The  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1783  secured  the  independence  of  the 
American  Colonies.  Up  to  that  time  the  common  danger  had 
given  them  cohesion  in  the  war.  But  no  sooner  had  the  victory 
been  won  than  the  jealousies  and  rivalries  of  the  several  States 
began  to  assert  themselves.  Then,  as  now,  a more  critical  situa- 
tion was  presented  than  the  war  itself  had  engendered.  How  to 
make  liberty  and  independence  impregnable  and  to  secure  future 
peace  was  then,  as  now,  the  great  problem.  Cooperation  between 
the  various  States  not  only  ceased  but  commercial  war  between 
them  began.  Disputes  about  territory  arose  and  actual  hostilities 
occurred  between  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania.  War  was 
narrowly  averted.  New  York  and  New  Hampshire  had  a similar 
territorial  dispute  which  almost  eventuated  in  war.  Financial 
distress  pervaded  every  State.  There  was  no  reliable  medium 
of  exchange  and  trade  and  commerce  were  hampered  everywhere. 
In  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  actual  rebellion  broke  out 
and  civil  war  was  threatened.  Each  State  was  striving  for  its  own 
advantage,  and  selfish  interest  and  bitter  antagonism  were  rapidly 
producing  a condition  of  anarchy  which  threatened  to  destroy  all 
that  had  been  gained  by  six  years  of  war.  The  question  arose 
as  to  whether  there  should  be  one  nation  or  thirteen  nations. 

In  this  crisis,  great  patriots  like  Washington,  Madison,  and 
Franklin  succeeded  in  bringing  about  a Convention  in  Philadel- 
phia to  consider  the  formation  of  a Federal  Union.  The  Conven- 
tion met  in  May,  1787,  in  historic  Independence  Hall,  and  after 
four  months  of  earnest  and  oftentimes  acrimonious  debate,  pro- 
duced the  present  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  but  it  was 
not  to  become  effective  unless  ratified  by  nine  of  the  States.  A 


5 


bitter  contest  over  ratification  then  ensued.  The  opponents  of 
the  Constitution  passionately  denounced  the  present  charter  of 
our  liberties,  under  which  the  greatest  Republic  of  all  the  ages 
has  grown  up,  as  a “triple-headed  monster”  and  they  declared  it 
to  be  “as  deep  and  wicked  a conspiracy  as  ever  was  invented  in 
the  darkest  ages  against  the  liberties  of  a free  people.” 

Violent  Denunciation 

This  is  precisely  the  kind  of  denunciation  of  the  League  of 
Nations  in  which  men,  who  must  be  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
short-sighted  men  who  fought  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  have  been  engaging.  So  violent  was  the  fight  on  the 
Constitution  that  it  was  publicly  burned  in  Albany,  New  York, 
and  in  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania.  Not  content  with  this,  some  of 
the  leading  advocates  were  publicly  burned  in  effigy.  In  some 
States  riots  occurred,  with  loss  of  life.  The  opponents  of  the 
Constitution,  in  their  blindness  and  passion,  denounced  the 
venerable  Benjamin  Franklin  as  a “dotard”  and  George  Wash- 
ington as  a “fool.”  How  similar  to  the  present  intemperate 
assaults  upon  the  second  great  charter  of  human  liberty,  the 
League  of  Nations,  which  has  been  made  possible  by  the  wisdom 
and  far-seeing  statesmanship  of  men  like  those  who  formulated 
our  own  Federal  Constitution  and  gave  being  to  this  great 
Republic ! 

With  extreme  difficulty  the  requisite  number  \Df  States  were 
induced  to  ratify  the  Constitution.  To  show  how  close  the  con- 
test was:  in  Massachusetts  the  vote  was  187  in  favor  and  168 
against,  a majority  of  only  19 ; in  Virginia  it  was  89  in  favor  and 
79  against,  a majority  of  only  10;  in  New  Hampshire  it  was  57 
in  favor  and  46  against,  a majority  of  only  11  ; in  New  York  it 
was  30  in  favor  and  27  against,  a majority  of  only  3.  The  contest 
in  New  York  determined  the  fate  of  the  thirteen  Colonies,  and 
yet  for  a long  time  it  was  not  believed  that  her  approval  of  the 
Union  could  be  secured.  Governor  George  Clinton,  an  irrecon- 
cilable opponent,  went  into  the  Convention  at  Poughkeepsie 
with  two-thirds  of  the  delegates  standing  solidly  behind  him 
against  ratification.  But  Alexander  Hamilton,  with  only  one- 
third  of  the  delegation  behind  him,  conducted  for  forty  days  a 
running  debate  where  the  brilliancy  of  his  defense  of  the  Consti- 


S 


tution  and  the  sheer  force  of  his  intellectual  power  overcame  the 
opposition,  and  New  York  was  won  over  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  national  unity.  This  assured  the  organization  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  but  it  was  by  a frightfully  narrow  fhargin. 
Suppose  that  the  unprogressive  and  uncomprehending  opponents 
of  the  Federal  Union  had  been  successful,  what  would  have  been 
the  fate  of  America?  One  cannot  picture  it.  But  God  ruled  and 
the  Federal  Union  was  won.  It  brought  peace  to  the  distracted 
thirteen  States.  It  removed  all  causes  of  dispute.  It  brought  a 
free  intercourse  between  them  and  established  a cooperation 
which  made  them  potential  not  only  for  their  own  protection 
against  external  aggression,  but  enabled  them  to  conquer  a vast 
continent  and  give  to  it  the  blessings  of  liberty  under  law  and 
self-government  from  one  end  of  its  broad  domain  to  the  other. 

In  1788  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  became  operative 
and  George  Washington  was  made  the  first  President  in  April, 
1789.  At  that  time  autocratic  government  was  in  the  saddle 
throughout  the  world.  The  Federal  Constitution  was  the  “most 
gigantic  step  in  constructive  statesmanship”  that  had  ever  been 
taken  in  all  history.  It  marked  the  beginning  not  only  of  a new 
era,  but  of  a new  ideal  that  was  to  possess  the  world.  Oppressed 
men  of  all  nations  turned  eager  eyes  to  the  feeble  light  of  liberty 
which  had  been  lit  in  the  New  World  and  which  gradually  grew 
into  the  consuming  flame  which  has  finally  reduced  autocracy  to 
ashes. 

The  Next  Step  to  Liberty 

As  the  Constitution  was  the  great  progressive  step  in  liberty 
and  peace  for  the  American  Colonies,  so  the  League  of  Nations 
is  now  the  great  progressive  step  for  the  maintenance  of  liberty 
and  democracy  and  the  preservation  of  peace  between  the  nations 
of  the  world.  It  is  the  “most  gigantic  step  in  constructive  states- 
manship” since  the  birth  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  yet  it  is 
resisted  by  the  same  type  df  uncomprehending  men  who  fought 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  They  have  the  same 
obliquity  of  vision,  the  same  selfishness  of  view,  the  same  indif- 
ference to  humanity  and  the  same  lack  of  interest  in  the  masses 
of  mankind.  They  oppose  an  effective  organization  to  prevent 
war.  They  prefer  to  preserve  our  imaginary  isolation.  They 
regard  war  as  an  ineradicable  feature  of  civilized  society,  and 


7 


look  upon  its  recurrence  with  the  same  indifference  that  char- 
acterized the  opponents  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
They  denounce  the  League  of  Nations,  as  the  opponents  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  denounced  it,  as  a dastardly  attempt  against 
the  liberties  of  free  peoples. 

The  great  men  who  are  responsible  for  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion have  emblazoned  their  names  in  imperishable  letters  upon 
the  scroll  of  fame.  All  men  know  them.  Who  can  obscure  the 
fame  of  Washington,  Franklin,  Madison,  Hamilton  and  Jeffer- 
son ? They  had  the  vision,  the  foresight,  and  the  patriotism  to 
bring  into  existence  this  great  Republic  which  has  not  only  pros- 
pered the  American  people  and  protected  their  liberty,  but  has 
had  a profound  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  the  world.  What 
of  their  opponents?  AVho  knows  them  or  has  ever  heard  of 
them?  With  few  exceptions,  they  have  sunk  into  obscurity  and  are 
neither  known  nor  heard  of  unless  by  some  student  of  history 
who  takes  the  pains  to  investigate  the  past  and  to  search  out, 
as  a warning  to  himself  and  to  others,  the  narrow-  views  and 
opinions  of  those  whose  chief  mark  of  identification  is  that  they 
were  the  implacable  foes  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  League  Covenant 

Incorporated  in  the  treaty  are  the  provisions  for  the  League 
of  Nations.  What  is  this  League  and  what  is  it  to  do?  Funda- 
mentally, it  is  a cooperative  agreement  between  thirty-two  na- 
tions to  prevent  war  by  forcing  all  the  nations  concerned  to 
submit  international  disputes  either  to  arbitration  or  to  confer- 
ence and  discussion  before  resorting  to  war.  The  machinery  by 
which  this  is  accomplished  I shall  outline  briefly. 

First,  an  Assembly  or  Congress  of  the  nations  is  provided  for 
in  which  each  nation  has  three  representatives  and  in  which  each 
nation  has  one  vote.  Second,  a Council  of  nine  members  is  con- 
stituted, of  which  five  of  the  great  powers,  namely,  the  United 
States,  the  British  Empire,  France,  Italy  and  Japan,  are  per- 
manent members.  The  other  four  members  of  the  Council  will 
be  selected  by  the  Assembly.  The  Council  is  an  executive  body 
merely  and  will  have  the  general  direction  and  supervision  of  the 
affairs  of  the  League.  The  League  is  not  a super-sovereignty. 
It  is  not  even  an  international  legislature.  It  is  an  international 


8 


conference.  In  the  meetings  of  the  Assembly,  as  well  as  of  the 
Council,  unanimous  vote  is  required  for  effective  action,  except  in 
such  minor  matters  as  procedure  at  meeting  and  appointment  of 
Committees. 

Objection  has  been  raised  by  opponents  of  the  League  that 
small  nations  are  given  the  same  voting  power  as  large  nations. 
What  difference  does  this  make,  so  long  as  unanimous  vote  is 
essential  to  action?  The  one  vote  of  the  United  States  is,  there- 
fore, just  as  potential  as  the  votes  of  all  the  other  nations  com- 
bined, since  no  action  can  be  taken  without  its  concurrence. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  Assembly  and  of  the  Council  will  be 
called  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Our  country  is 
given  the  distinction  of  initiating  the  proceedings  under  this  new 
charter  of  liberty,  democracy  and  humanity,  just  as  our  fore- 
fathers initiated  the  proceedings  for  the  formulation  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  and  the  organization  of  the  great  democ- 
racy under  which  we  live. 

A permanent  Secretariat,  which  is  the  administrative  arm 
of  the  League,  is  established  and  all  positions  under  or  in  con- 
nection with  the  League  are  available  to  men  and  women  alike. 

Fundamental  Purpose 

The  fundamental  purpose  of  the  League  is  the  prevention  of 
war.  If  it  should  accomplish  nothing  else  than  this,  it  would 
confer  upon  humanity  the  most  inestimable  boon  with  which 
it  has  been  blessed  since  civilization  began.  How  is  the  pre- 
vention of  war  to  be  accomplished?  First  of  all,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  destroy  autocratic  government  everywhere  before  any 
foundation  for  a League  of  Nations  could  be  laid.  .Every  effort 
of  the  nations  in  times  past  to  organize  for  the  prevention  of 
war  has  failed  because  autocratic  and  despotic  governments  were 
not  only  unwilling  to  enter  into  effective  guarantees  for  the 
preservation  of  peace,  but  they  refused  to  be  bound  by  agree- 
ments of  this  character.  They  held  that  it  was  incompatible 
with  the  divinity  of  the  right  they  exercised  to.  surrender  any 
portion  of  their  power  and  that  they  could  violate  such  arrange- 
ments at  will.  Although  civilized  society  has  been  organized  on 
the  basis  of  law  and  order  within  nations  themselves,  there  has 


9 


never  been  any  law  between  nations  which  made  war  itself  a 
crime  and  fixed  personal  responsibility  upon  those  guilty  of 
provoking  it.  Consequently  despots  and  autocrats  have, 
throughout  history,  precipitated  needless  wars  upon  the  theory 
that  “the  king  could  do  no  wrong’’  and  untold  millions  of  human 
beings  have  been  sacrificed  for  this  fictitious  doctrine.  We  all 
know  now  that  kings  cannot  only  do  wrong,  but  that  they  have 
frequently  committed  the  most  colossal  wrongs  upon  mankind. 
We  also  know  that  if  the  fiction  that  “the  king  can  do  no 
wrong”  had  been  destroyed  centuries  ago,  millions  of  human 
lives  would  have  been  saved  and  untold  human  suffering  would 
have  been  avoided,  because  so  long  as  kings  have  thought  that 
they  could  make  war  with  impunity  and  that  the  people  alone 
would  suffer,  they  have  not  hesitated  to  do  so. 

Eliminate  Causes  of  War 

The  League  of  Nations  seeks  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of 
war  by  eliminating  as  far  as  possible  the  causes  which  lead  to 
war  through 

(1)  the  limitation  of  armaments, 

(2)  guaranties  of  territorial  integrity  and  political  indepen- 
dence, 

(3)  the  abolition  of  secret  treaties, 

(4)  compulsory  conferences  to  discuss  questions  of  common 
interest  that  may  from  time  to  time  arise  and  thereby  to 
bring  about  cooperation  among  the  nations  concerned. 

One  of  the  most  serious  causes  of  wars  in  the  past  has  been 
the  creation  of  vast  armaments  and  great  standing  armies  which 
have  been  a constant  temptation  to  aggression  by  that  nation 
which  was  possessed  of  a preponderant  force.  So  long  as  the 
policy  of  any  one  power  was  to  build  up  great  military  and  naval 
establishments,  other  powers  had  to  enter  into  competition  as  a 
matter  of  self-defense.  The  result  was  that  the  leading  nations 
of  Europe  have  been  for  generations  past  great  armed  camps 
ready  to  spring  at  each  other’s  throats  and  precipitate  wars  upon 
slight  provocation  or  for  causes  which  no  impartial  tribunal 
would,  upon  investigation,  consider  adequate. 


10 


1.  LIMITATION  OF  ARMAMENTS: 


One  of  the  most  important  purposes  of  the  League  is  there- 
fore the  reduction  of  armaments  upon  an  established  scale  which 
will  put  all  the  members  of  the  League  upon  an  equality  as  near 
as  may  be  in  the  matter  of  organized  force.  Plans  for  such  re- 
ductions are  to  be  prepared  by  the  Council  and  submitted  to  the 
several  governments  concerned,  but  no  plans  are  to  become 
binding  on  any  nation  until  adopted  by  it.  Congress  is  not  de- 
prived of  any  of  its  prerogatives  in  this  matter,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, retains  the  sole  power  to  determine  what  armed  forces, 
military  and  naval,  shall  be  maintained  by  the  United  States. 
If,  however,  our  Congress  should  adopt  the  recommendation  of 
the  League  for  reduction  of  armaments,  then  no  increase  in  such 
armaments  may  be  made  without  the  consent  of  the  League  for 
a period  of  ten  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  plan  will  be 
subject  to  reconsideration  and  revision. 

In  order  to  enforce  this  provision,  the  Council  is  to  advise  as 
to  how  the  evil  effects  of  the  private  manufacture  of  arms  and 
ammunition  can  be  prevented,  with  a view  to  the  adoption  by 
governments  of  the  policy  of  manufacturing  for  themselves  in- 
stead of  through  private  interests  such  war  materials  as  are 
required  for  their  safety.  All  members  of  the  League  are  to  in- 
terchange full  and  frank  advices  as  to  their  military  and  naval 
programs  in  order  that  each  member  of  the  League  may  know 
what  the  other  is  doing  in  respect  to  armaments.  This  is  the 
first  step  toward  the  prevention  of  war — the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments— so  that  no  nation  will  have  a preponderant  armed  force 
and  be  tempted  to  use  it  to  attack  another  in  the  execution  of 
some  selfish  aim  or  purpose.  The  United  States  is  not  disadvan- 
taged, but  advantaged  by  this  provision,  because  it  is  in  line  with 
our  historic  policy  of  limited  armament  and  puts  all  othet  nations 
on  an  equality  of  armed  strength  with  us. 

2.  GUARANTIES  OF  TERRITORIAL  INTEGRITY  AND 
POLITICAL  INDEPENDENCE 

Throughout  all  history,  one  of  the  greatest  incentives  to  war 
has  been  the  lust  of  ambitious  rulers  to  extend  their  power  and 
dominion  over  other  peoples  and  to  absorb  the  territory  of  other 
nations.  After  every  great  war  the  map  of  Europe  has  been 


11 


changed  and  peoples  have  been  transferred  from  one  sovereignty 
to  another  without  regard  to  their  feelings  or  interests.  The 
results  of  the  present  war  are  not  different  from  those  of  all 
other  great  wars,  so  far  as  changing  the  map  of  Europe  is  con- 
cerned, although  the  motives  for  such  change  are  this  time  quite 
different  from  those  which  have  heretofore  controlled.  We  are 
now  trying  to  restore  to  the  different  peoples  of  the  world  the 
territories  which  of  right  belong  to  them  and  to  set  them  up  once 
more  as  politically  independent  sovereignties  with  the  added 
right  of  self-government.  The  magnitude  of  this  task  is  ex- 
ceeded only  by  its  difficulties.  There  are  so  many  races  in 
Europe  and  the  intermingling  of  populations  along  their  borders 
has  been  so  continuous  that  there  are  many  areas  which  cannot 
with  accuracy  be  ethnologically  defined.  There  are,  so  to  speak, 
twilight  zones  of  populations  which  are  neither  predominantly 
one  nationality  or  another,  and,  therefore,  the  new  nations  which 
are  to  be  established  under  the  peace  treaty  are  in  some  instances 
given  boundaries  which  must  be  tested  for  a reasonable  length 
of  time  under  conditions  of  stabilized  government  before  the 
wisdom  of  such  boundaries  can  be  demonstrated.  Moreover, 
some  of  these  nations  will  be  stronger,  of  necessity,  than  others. 
Their  peoples  are  unaccustomed  to  self-government  and  must 
create  a political  organization  and  a status  themselves.  This  is 
notably  true  of  restored  Poland  and  Czecho-Slovakia  which  will 
need,  for  some  time,  guarantees  against  external  aggression 
which  will  enable  their  people  to  work  out  their  destiny  without 
fear  of  aggression  from  their  neighbors  and  under  favoring  con- 
ditions of  peace.  No  less  important  are  these  guarantees  against 
external  aggression  and  of  political  independence  to  the  larger 
state  of  Europe  than  to  the  smaller.  Once  it  is  firmly  and  clearly 
established  that  no  nation  may  commit  aggressions  upon  its 
neighbors,  all  may  settle  down  to  peaceful  pursuits  and  build  up 
again  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  their  peoples  under  stable 
and  well  ordered  government. 

Article  X of  the  covenant,  therefore,  wisely  provides  that  each 
member  of  the  League  shall  respect  and  preserve  as  against 
external  aggression  the  territorial  integrity  and  existing  political 
independence  of  all  members  of  the  League.  It  must  be  borne 
in  mind  that  this  covenant  does  not  permit  the  League  of  Nations 
to  interfere  in  any  uprisings  or  disturbances  within  a state  itself. 


12 


The  right  of  revolution  against  oppressive  internal  authority 
remains  unaffected  and  unimpaired,  and  every  people  is  left  to 
determine  for  itself  what  its  form  of  government  shall  be  and 
how  its  internal  or  domestic  affairs  shall  be  conducted. 

Mr.  Root  suggested  an  amendment  to  this  article  providing 
that  after  the  expiration  of  five  years  from  the  signing  of  the 
convention  any  nation  might  terminate  its  obligation  under  Ar- 
ticle X by  giving  one  year’s  notice  in  writing  to  the  Secretary 
General  of  the  League.  Since  Mr.  Root’s  suggestion  a provision 
has  been  incorporated  in  the  revised  draft  of  the  covenant  which 
is  even  more  favorable  to  the  termination  of  the  obligation  than 
Mr.  Root  proposed.  Any  member  of  the  League  may,  under  the 
revised  draft,  withdraw  from  the  League  after  two  years’  notice 
of  its  intention  to  do  so,  provided  that  all  its  international  obli- 
gations under  the  League  covenant  shall  have  been  fulfilled  at 
the  time  of  its  withdrawal.  The  effect  of  the  revised  covenant, 
therefore,  is  to  enable  any  nation  to  terminate  its  obligation  to 
respect  and  preserve  the  territorial  integrity  and  political  inde- 
pendence of  the  other  members  of  the  League  after  two  years’ 
notice  of  its  intention  so  to  do,  instead  of  being  bound  for  five 
years,  as  Mr.  Root  suggested. 

A Far-Fetched  Argument 

The  argument  that  this  guarantee  will  involve  us  in  every 
European  quarrel  is  far-fetched  for  the  following  reasons : 

(1)  We  cannot  be  drawn  into  any  war  unless  our  Congress 
first  authorizes  it. 

(2)  After  all  European  armaments  are  reduced  practically  to 
an  internal  police  force  basis,  any  war  or  attempted  war  will  be 
a small  affair  because  of  the  limited  armed  forces  available. 

(3)  The  control  by  governments  of  the  manufacture  of  war 
munitions  and  the  destruction  of  great  war  plants  like  the 
Krupps  will  prevent  would-be  belligerents  from  getting  the 
necessary  supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition. 

(4)  In  case  of  conflict  in  Europe  the  nearby  powers  would  be 
called  on  first  to  provide  the  necessary  forces,  as  in  case  of  con- 
flict on  the  American  continent,  the  United  States  would  be 
asked  to  take  the  matter  in  hand.  But,  and  I repeat  it,  in  no 


13 


case  is  the  United  States  bound  to  go  to  war  or  supply  an  armed 
force  without  the  authorization  of  the  Congress. 

Mr.  Root  has  recently  surprised  his  friends  and  admirers  by 
urging  that  Article  X be  stricken  from  the  League  Covenant. 
He  has  given  no  explanation  for  his  sudden  change  of  position. 
He  is  unable,  however,  to  refute  the  convincing  argument  he  first 
made  in  favor  of  guaranties  of  the  territorial  integrity  and  the 
political  independence  of  all  members  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Article  X Heart  of  Covenant 

To  eliminate  this  guaranty  is  to  extract  the  red  corpuscles 
from  the  blood  of  the  League  and  render  it  a weak  and  anemic 
institution  incapable  of  fulfilling  the  purposes  of  its  creation. 
Unless  the  people  of  each  nation  can  be  secured  against  external 
aggression,  territorial  disputes  will  continue  to  arise  and  jeopar- 
dize the  peace  of  the  world.  I think  the  fears  that  this  guarantee 
will  involve  America  in  every  future  European  conflict  that  may 
arise  and  that  we  are  committed  to  an  indefinite  engagement  to 
send  our  sons  to  fight  in  unknown  and  unanticipated  European 
wars  are  unfounded.  We  can  always  terminate  the  engagement 
by  withdrawing  from  the  League  upon  two  years’  previous  no- 
tice. Article  X will  put  an  end  to  the  menace  of  war  from  terri- 
torial disputes,  but  if  eliminated  from  the  League,  so  that  these 
controversies  remain  a fruitful  cause  of  war,  then  we  shall  be 
involved  again  in  European  conflicts,  because  it  is  impossible  to 
separate  America  from  the  rest  of  the  world  and  leave  her  in  the 
imaginary  isolation  which  opponents  of  the  League  beguile 
themselves  into  believing  is  a sufficient  security  for  our  future 
peace.  In  fact,  the  guarantee  of  territorial  integrity  and  political 
independence  against  external  aggression  only,  as  Article  X pro- 
vides, will  not  only  prevent  war  by  deterring  the  signatory 
powers  from  attempting  it  in  violation  of  this  Article,  but  in  case 
of  such  disputes  the  League  itself  supplies  the  machinery  for 
peaceful  settlement,  either  by  arbitration  or  by  inquiry  on  the 
part  of  the  Council. 

Germany  has  not  accepted  the  Treaty  of  Peace  voluntarily. 
Naturally  she  will  comply  with  its  covenants  reluctantly.  The 
othej'  Central  Powers  will  doubtless  sign  in  the  same  mood.  This 
makes  it  essential  that  the  strength  of  the  Allied  Governments 


14 


remain  organized  and  that  their  cooperation  be  continued  if  Ger- 
many and  her  late  allies  are  to  be  made  to  fulfil  the  obligations 
of  the  Treaty.  How  can  the  power  of  the  Allies  be  more  effec- 
tively consolidated  and  applied  for  these  purposes  than  through 
the  League  of  Nations?  Separate  the  League  of  Nations^from 
the  Treaty  and  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  to  enforce  the 
Treaty  not  only  upon  Germany,  but  upon  all  the  other  powers 
concerned. 

Treaty  Must  Be  Enforced 

Never  in  all  history  has  it  been  so  necessary  that  an  effective 
instrumentality  for  the  interpretation  of  a Treaty  and  for  the 
enforcement  of  its  terms  be  provided  as  in  the  present  instance, 
because  never  in  the  history  of  the  world  has  peace  been  re- 
established after  a great  war  upon  such  a revolutionary  basis. 
Not  only  has  the  form  of  old  governments  been  changed,  but 
new  ones  have  been  established,  creating  intricate  problems 
which  cannot  be  finally  disposed  of  in  the  terms  of  peace.  Im- 
agine what  would  happen  if  there  was  no  League  of  Nations. 
Germany  would  proceed  to  re-arm  herself  as  promptly  as  possible 
in  order  to  renew  the  struggle  and  to  regain  what  she  has  lost. 
France  and  England  and  Italy  would  also  have  to  begin  prepar- 
ing themselves  for  the  next  war  by  building  up  their  war  power 
to  the  very  limit  of  their  strength.  The  United  States  would 
have  to  do  the  same  thing.  The  backs  of  the  people  of  all  nations 
would  bend  with  the  burdens  of  new  taxation  for  war  purposes ; 
they  would  be  ground  in  poverty  and  misery  to  supply  out  of 
their  labor  and  production  the  means  by  which  these  wasteful 
preparations  for  war  would  be  continued. 

3.  SECRET  TREATIES 

Another  fruitful  cause  of  war  between  nations  has  been  secret 
treaties  under  which  nations  attempted  to  get  advantage  of  their 
rivals  and  under  which  intrigues  and  private  understandings  of 
all  kinds  have  worked  for  distrust,  suspicion  and  enmity.  Article 
XVIII  of  the  revised  covenant  provides  that  “every  convention 
or  international  engagement  entered  into  henceforward  by  any 
member  of  the  League  shall  be  forthwith  registered  with  the 
Secretariat  and  shall  as  soon  as  possible  be  published  by  it.  No 


15 


such  treaty  or  international  engagement  shall  be  binding  until  so 
registered.” 

Certainly  no  nation  imbued  with  good  faith  toward  its  neigh- 
bors and  genuinely  interested  in  preserving  the  peace  of  the 
world  can  object  to  this  article  of  the  covenant.  When  treaties 
are  published  just  as  are  the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  of 
the  several  States  of  the  Union,  so  that  all  may  read  and  under- 
stand, the  selfish  aims  and  private  advantages  which  have  here- 
tofore accrued  to  nations  and  to  individuals  through  these  perni- 
cious secret  treaties  will  become  abortive. 

4.  COMPULSORY  CONFERENCES  OF  THE  NATIONS 

If  any  one  thing  has  been  demonstrated  by  the  great  war,  it 
is  that  conference  and  counsel  between  the  great  nations  is  one 
of  the  most  certain  means  of  preventing  international  misunder- 
standings and  of  making  war  impossible.  Heretofore  such  con- 
ference could  not  be  held  except  by  the  voluntary  action  of  all  the 
parties.  In  1014,  before  Germany  precipitated  war,  an  urgent 
effort  was  made  by  Sir  Edward  Gray  to  bring  about  a conference 
of  the  powers  to  consider  the  dispute  between  Austria- and  Serbia. 
Germany  refused  to  enter  that  conference.  She  had  determined 
to  bring  on  the  war  in  the  execution  of  long-considered  plans, 
and  she  knew  that  if  she  joined  a conference  of  the  powers  where 
full  and  frank  discussion  of  the  issues  involved  would  be  neces- 
sary, war  would  be  averted  and  her  ambitions  would  be  thwarted. 

One  of  the  most  powerful  arguments  for  the  League  of  Nations 
is  the  requirement  that  the  Assembly,  which  consists  of  the 
1‘epresentatives  of  all  the  members  of  the  League  and  the  Council, 
shall  meet  at  stated  intervals  and  from  time  to  time  as  occasion 
ma)^  require,  at  the  seat  of  the  League  or  at  such  other  place 
or  places  as  may  be  decided  upon.  This  provision  is  mandatory. 
It  provides  that  the  Assembly  shall  meet  at  stated  intervals,  and 
that  the  Council  shall  meet  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  may 
require  and  at  least  once  a year. 

Suppose  that  this  League  had  been  in  existence  in  1914,  and 
that  upon  a threat  of  war  a meeting  of  the  Assembly  or  of  the 
Council  had  been  called.  Germany  would  have  been  obliged  to 
attend.  A discussion  of  the  dispute  would  immediately  have  fol- 


16 


lowed,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  terrible  war  would  have 
been  prevented ; that  7,000,000  dead  men  would  be  alive  to-day 
and  20,000,000  wounded  men  would  have  been  spared ; that  the 
horrors  and  indescribable  sufferings  of  the  civil  populations  of 
all  the  nations  concerned  would  not  have  occurred ; and  that 
$200,000,000,000  of  treasure  would  not  have  been  wasted. 

It  is  a well-known  fact,  and  Germany  has  admitted  it,  that 
Germany  expected  Great  Britain  to  keep  out  of  the  war  and  that 
if  she  had  known  that  Great  Britain  would  make  common  cause 
with  France,  Belgium  and  Russia,  she  would  never  have  begun 
the  disastrous  conflict.  If  even  a conference  of  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  Austria,  France  and  Russia  had  been  held  in  1914, 
Great  Britain  would  have  made  this  clear  to  Germany  and  war 
would  have  been  averted.  If  the  proposed  League  of  Nations 
accomplishes  nothing  more  than  to  make  certain  a conference 
of  the  members  of  the  League  and  of  the  Council  at  stated  in- 
tervals for  the  purpose  of  discussion  and  conference,  it  will  have 
a potential  influence  upon  the  peace  of  the  world ; it  will  pro- 
mote international  cooperation  instead  of  international  antagon- 
ism and  suspicions  which  have  been  the  characteristic  evil  of 
the  old  system  of  secret  treaties  and  artificial  balances  of  power 
so  long  maintained  in  Europe. 

If,  however,  after  limitations  of  armaments  have  been  secured 
and  guarantees  of  territorial  integrity  and  political  independence 
have  been  given  and  secret  treaties  have  been  eliminated  and 
conferences  of  the  powers  have  been  provided  for,  disputes  be- 
tween nations  should  arise,  and  take  on  such  an  acute  form  as 
to  threaten  war,  then  the  League  covenant  makes  other  provi- 
sions which  almost  certainly  will  result  in  maintaining  the  peace 
of  the  world.  What  are  the  provisions? 

Arbitration 

They  are,  first,  for  arbitration  of  the  dispute,  if  it  is  of  a char- 
acter which  the  contending  nations,  recognize  as  suitable  for  sub- 
mission to  arbitration.  Mr.  Root’s  admirable  definition  of  dis- 
putes suitable  for  arbitration  has  been  inserted  in  the  covenant; 
namely,  “Disputes  as  to  the  interpretation  of  a treaty,  as  to  any 
question  of  international  law,  as  to  the  existence  of  any  fact 
which  if  established  would  constitute  a breach  of  any  interna- 


17 


tional  obligation,  or  as  to  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  repara- 
tion to  be  made  for  any  such  breach.  So  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion as  to  what  is  arbitrable.  And,  second,  if  the  matter  should 
not  be  suitable  for  arbitration,  then  it  shall  be  considered  by 
the  Council  which  shall  make  such  recommendations  for  a settle- 
ment as  it  thinks  just  and  proper,  which  recommendations  must 
be  made  within  six  months  after  the  submission  of  the  contro- 
versy. In  case  either  of  arbitration  or  of  inquiry  by  the  Council, 
the  parties  affected  agree  that  they  will  not  go  to  war  until 
three  months  after  the  award  by  the  arbitrators  or  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Council. 

Without  going  into  further  details  about  these  admirable  pro- 
visions of  the  covenant,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  they  postpone 
war  until  there  can  be  a complete  discussion  of  the  dispute  either 
through  the  medium  of  arbitration  or  through  the  processes  of 
inquiry  and  that  after  award  by  the  arbitrators  or  a recommenda- 
tion by  the  Council  which  makes  the  inquiry,  neither  party  shall 
go  to  war  until  three  months  thereafter.  During  that  time  oppor- 
tunity for  mediation  and  conciliation  is  offered,  and  in  any  event 
it  is  provided  that  the  parties  affected  will  not  go  to  war  with 
any  party  to  the  dispute  which  complies  with  the  unanimous 
recommendations  of  the  Council  or  accepts  the  award  of  the 
arbitration. 

Economic  Weapons 

Suppose  any  nation  refuses  to  accept  the  award  of  the  arbitra- 
tion or  the  unanimous  recommendation  of  the  Council  which 
makes  the  inquiry  and  proceeds  to  make  war  against  the  other 
party  to  the  dispute  which  has  accepted  the  award  or  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Council,  or  suppose  any  nation  goes  to  war,  as 
Germany  did  in  1914  without  notice  to  anybody,  what  then  hap- 
pens? The  offending  nation  will  be  deemed  to  have  committed 
an  act  of  war  against  all  the  other  members  of  the  League  and, 
thereupon,  the  other  members  of  the  League  will  (1)  sever  all 
trade  or  financial  relations  between  the  members  of  the  League 
and  the  offending  nation  ; (2)  prohibit  all  intercourse  between  the 
citizens  of  the  members  of  the  League  and  citizens  of  the  offend- 
ing state;  and  (3)  prevent  all  financial,  commercial  and  personal 
intercourse  between  the  citizens  of  the  offending  nation  and  the 
citizens  of  any  other  state  or  nation  throughout  the  world, 


18 


whether  a member  of  the  League  or  not.  That  is  what  is  called 
an  economic  boycott.  It  is  a terrible  weapon  which  no  sane 
representatives  of  any  nation  would  defy  with  impunity. 

Let  us  suppose  again  that  Germany  had  been  faced  in  July, 
1914,  with  this  terrible  economic  boycott  by  Great  Britain,  France, 
Italy,  Russia,  Belgium,  and  the  United  States.  Is  it  conceivable 
that  she  would  have  entered  upon  the  mad  career  of  war  with 
certain  defeat  staring  her  in  the  face  at  the  very  outset?  No 
nation  is  strong  enough  to  resist  the  combined  economic  pressure 
of  the  greatest  powers  of  the  world  and  the  moral  influence  and 
reprehension  of  the  public  opinion  of  the  world.  But  economic 
pressure  is  not  the  only  consequence  which  a recalcitrant  nation 
would  incur  because  if  war  should  actually  result  the  League 
Covenant  provides  that  the  Council  shall  recommend  to  the 
several  governments  concerned  what  effective  military  or  naval 
forces  the  members  of  the  League  shall  severally  contribute  to 
be  used  against  the  offending  member. 

Congress  Retains  War  Power 

I wish  to  repeat,  however,  that  the  United  States,  as  a mem- 
ber of  the  League,  could  not  be  forced  into  war  by  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  council  or  by  any  action  of  the  League,  with- 
out its  consent.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  would  have 
to  say  whether  or  not  such  recommendation  should  be  adopted. 
The  entire  subject  would  have  to  be  submitted  to  the  Congress 
by  the  President  for  appropriate  action  in  accordance  with  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  which  vests  in  the  Congress 
the  sole  power  to  declare  war. 

But  if  arbitration  and  inquiry  fail,  if  mediation  and  concilia- 
tion prove  impotent,  if  nine  months  of  discussion  and  confer- 
ences do  not  cool  the  hot  passion  for  war,  if  every  agency  and 
influence  of  the  Ueague  are  exhausted  in  vain,  then  our  oppo- 
nents say  that  war  will  happen,  and  that  the  League  covenant 
therefore  recognizes  and  sanctions  war.  It  is  possible  of  course 
that  war  might  happen  in  these  circumstances  but  it  is  scarcely 
conceivable.  If  it  should  happen,  how  could  it  be  said  that  the 
League  covenant  sanctions  war  because  it  undertakes  to  prevent 
it  any  more  than  it  can  be  said  that  the  state  sanctions  murder 
because  it  enacts  laws  to  prevent  that  crime.  In  either  case  the 


19 


evil  is  recognized  to  exist  and  because  every  effort  is  made  to 
destroy  it,  by  no  exercise  of  the  imagination  can  the  attempt  be 
distorted  into  a sanction  of  the  offense  if.  after  all  is  done,  mur- 
der is  committed  or  war  occurs. 

Monroe  Doctrine  Safe 

We  do  not  abandon  the  Monroe  Doctrine  by  entering  the 
League  of  Nations.  That  policy  is  expressly  reserved  from  the 
operations  of  the  covenant.  We  cannot  be  made  a mandatary 
of  any  foreign  colony  or  territory  except  with  our  consent,  and 
no  amendments  to  the  League  after  its  adoption  will  be  binding 
upon  the  United  States  unless  accepted  by  it. 

In  case  of  attack  upon  the  United  States  we  can  immediately 
repel  the  attack  and  defend  ourselves.  Nothing  in  the  League 
covenant  deprives  us  of  that  right  notwithstanding  the  false 
claim  of  our  opponents  to  the  contrary.  The  League  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  immigration,  naturalization  or  any  of  our  internal 
or  domestic  affairs.  We  shall  control  these  matters  just  as  fully 
with  membership  in  the  League  as  without  it. 

I shall  merely  enumerate  the  admirable  provisions  of  the 
League  of  Peace  for  progressing  the  solution  of  great  moral  and 
social  problems  which  have  long  demanded  the  concerted  atten- 
tion of  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world : 

(1)  The  endeavor  to  secure  and  maintain  fair  and  humane 
conditions  of  labor  for  men  and  women; 

(2)  The  general  supervision  over  the  execution  of  agreements 
with  regard  to  the  traffic  in  women  and  children  and  the  traffic 
in  opium  and  other  dangerous  drugs ; 

(3)  The  endeavor  to  take  steps  in  matters  of  international 
concern  for  the  prevention  and  control  of  disease ; and 

(4)  The  undertaking  to  secure  just  treatment  of  the  native  in- 
habitants under  their  control. 

The  Heart  of  Humanity 

These  great  problems  appeal  to  the  heart  and  conscience  of 
humanity  everywhere.  God  grant  that  their  solution  may  not  be 
prevented  by  the  failure  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to 


20 


ratify  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant.  Certainly  the  Church, 
that  great  moral  and  spiritual  organization,  is  vitally  concerned 
in  holding  the  ground  thus  gained  in  the  League  of  Nations. 

Most  of  the  objections  to  the  League  of  Nations  are  based 
upon  misconceptions  or  misinterpretations  of  its  provisions,  or 
upon  exaggerated  and  unfounded  fears  as  to  its  operations.  Of 
course,  the  instrument  does  not  suit  every  mind.  It  is  of  neces- 
sity a.  compromise  of  many  conflicting  views,  just  as  was  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I am  reminded  of  what  the 
aged  and  venerable  Benjamin  Franklin  said  when  the  Constitu- 
tion was  signed  at  Philadelphia  in  1788:  “Whatever  opinions  I 
have  of  its  errors  I will  sacrifice  to  the  public  good,  and  I hope 
that  every  member  of  the  Convention  who  still  has  objections 
will  on  this  occasion  doubt  a little  of  his  own  infallibility  and  for 
the  sake  of  unanimity  put  his  name  to  this  instrument.”  Op- 
ponents of  the  League  of  Nations  should  adopt  the  advice  of  this 
great  American  patriot  and  statesman  by  sacrificing  some  of 
their  opinions  to  the  public  good,  and  at  least  they  should  doubt 
a little  of  their  own  infallibility  when  they  denounce  in  passionate 
terms  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant. 


Opposition  Due  to  Partisanship 

I am  loath  to  believe  that  the  discussion  of  this  greatest  piece 
of  constructive  statesmanship,  this  League  of  Nations  which 
concerns  the  very  weal  and  woe  of  humanity,  can  be  debased  by 
partisan  politics.  And  yet  there  are  manifestations  of  partisan- 
ship in  the  discussions,  disturbing  to  every  man  and  woman  who 
loves  America  and  puts  country  above  partisan  considerations, 
W e must  not  let  partisanship  nor  passion  sway  us  in  this  mo- 
mentous hour.  Never  were  wisdom  and  deliberation  on  the 
part  of  the  people  and  their  representatives  more  needed  than 
now.  One  cannot  be  passionate  and  wise  at  the  same  time,  even 
though  he  be  a politician  or  a statesman.  Wisdom  is  the  product 
of  cool  deliberation  and  judgment,  klistakes  are  the  product  of 
passion  and  wars  are  the  offspring  of  the  baser  instincts  of  hu- 
man nature.  A combination  of  passion  and  partisan  politics  will 
produce  inevitable  mistakes.  God  grant  that  all  those  upon 
whom  the  responsibility  rests  for  deciding  the  future  of  the 
world  in  this  twentieth  century  may  be  endowed  with  the  patri- 


21 


otism,  the  wisdom  and  the  unselfishness  of  those  great  Ameri- 
cans of  the  18th  century,  who,  by  their  dispassionate  judgment, 
their  vision,  their  self-sacrifice,  their  devotion  to  human  liberty 
and  to  country,  formulated  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  brought  into  existence  this  great  American  Republic. 

Peril  of  Amendments 

No  amendments  of  the  League  of  Nations,  no  vital  reserva- 
tions in  the  ratification  of  the  League  by  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  can  be  effected  without  imminent  peril  to  the  future  of 
the  world  and  without  prolonging  the  state  of  war.  We  cannot 
risk  the  undoing  of  all  that  has  been  accomplished  by  forcing  an- 
other Peace  Conference  at  Paris.  Amendment  of  the  Treaty  is 
rejection  of  the  Treaty.  Rejection  of  the  Treaty  means  a new 
Peace  Conference  and  the  indefinite  postponement  of  peace.  Let 
us  not  misunderstand  that.  Let  us  ratify  the  League  of  Nations 
as  it  is,  representing  as  it  does  the  combined  wisdom  of  all  the 
great  men  who  formulated  it,  and  then  let  it  evolve  as  our  Con- 
stitution has  evolved,  into  a more  perfect  instrument  as  human 
wisdom  and  experience  demonstrate  that  amendments  may  be 
necessary.  This  is  the  course  we  took  with  our  own  Constitu- 
tion. We  ratified  it  first  and  amended  it  afterwards.  Let  us 
ratify  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant  first  and  amend  it  after- 
ward if  necessary.  That  is  the  safe  plan.  The  League  of  Na- 
tions covenant,  like  our  own  Constitution,  provides  the  means 
for  its  amendment.  By  this  course  we  shall  consolidate  and  or- 
ganize the  triumph  of  democracy  and  liberty  and  extract  from  it 
those  superlative  blessings  for  which  the  human  race  has  striven 
throughout  the  centuries. 

“Let  U3  have  peace.” 

Let  us  have  a League  of  Nations  to  give  the  world  peace! 


t;P  ■ 

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JX1975.9.IVI11 

A league  to  prevent  war;  with  a review 


1012  00026  0069 


